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Showing posts with label history. Show all posts
Showing posts with label history. Show all posts

Sunday 29 June 2014

Reciprocity




We have identified coexistence and reciprocity as central normative themes running through all diplomatic practice. The other side of the same coin is that in eras when the dominant polities are not prepared to acknowledge equal rights and to negotiate on the basis of reciprocity, diplomacy will not flourish or develop. This applies, in particular, to the all-embracing Roman Empire. The soul of the diplomatic idea is reciprocity, and this was an unfashionable notion in the domineering environment of Roman politics after victories in war. Nor did reciprocity find real sympathy in medieval Europe, when the Empire and the papacy had inherited the Roman claim to rule the world. Similarly, the intensification of religious strife in Europe in the late sixteenth century nearly wrecked the diplomatic system originating in Renaissance Italy.
In other eras, when the reciprocity principle had been accepted, family metaphors were often used to symbolize equal rights and fair exchanges. In the diplomacy of the Ancient Near East they figured prominently. Kings exchanging diplomatic correspondence called each other “brother,” characterized their alliances as “brotherhood,” and described relations of “love,” “enjoying” and “not afflicting” each other’s heart, sharing resources and gratifying each other’s desires. Sometimes, due to differences in age, the image of a father–son relationship was invoked instead.  Whereas paternity seems to have been an expression of indebtedness and deference, fraternity was associated with alliances and friendly relations, albeit not necessarily equality. Exchanges, ranging from brides, gifts and wealth to military assistance, were governed by strong norms of reciprocity. Despite the frequent use of family metaphors, specific reciprocity – where the participants insist on an appropriate “quid” for every “quo” – rather than diffuse reciprocity – where no immediate return is expected – seems to have been the predominant norm. While there are many expressions of expected equivalence of behavior in bilateral relations, variations on the theme “do to me what I have done to you,” mostly reflect expectations of specific rather than diffuse reciprocity.
This was obvious in the exchanges of gifts. “My gift does not amount to what I have given you every year,” complained the Babylonian king to the Egyptian Pharaoh. The Mittanian king Tushratta voiced similar grievances about his gifts: “in comparison with mine they are not equivalent”; moreover, “my brother has not given to me the equivalent of what he dispatched to my father.” While such complaints reflect ingrained expectations of specific reciprocity, one could argue that gift exchanges which are unbalanced in the short term and thus generate the need for continuing contact are much better suited to the preservation of political relationships than barter exchanges, which are perfectly balanced by definition.
Specific reciprocity was expected in other areas as well, such as the treatment of messengers. Tushratta repeatedly told the Egyptian Pharaoh that he would detain the Pharaoh’s messenger, “until my brother lets my messengers go and they come to me.” In short, behind the professed brotherly love in the Amarna Letters one can discern a preference for hard-nosed tit-for-tat strategies. The rule of reciprocity generated an endless process of bargaining in the guise of a competition in generosity.
In the same way that family metaphors were central in Near Eastern diplomacy, notions of extended kinship formed the basis of reciprocity in Ancient Greece. Kinship claims often harked back to the mythical past, and “the Greeks attributed to the Heroic Age a form of internationalism like that of medieval chivalry, participation in a common adventure as in a medieval Crusade.” Appeals to kinship created by direct descent from gods or heroes in prehistoric epochs were central to entering into diplomatic relations. Kinship pleas applied to relations not only between Greek city-states but also between Greeks and non-Greeks, such as the Persian Empire. For the propagation of common ancestry across and beyond the Greek world, it was an essential feature of some of the most famous gods and heroes that they were remembered as promiscuous wanderers. For the panhellenic ambitions of Philip and Alexander, for example, it was important to invoke the myth that a descendant of Heracles founded the royal line of Macedon. These myths of origin and kinship were regarded not as myths but as knowledge. In the Archaic period, having the same ‘Greek’ heroes sire genealogies of Indians, Persians, Etruscans, Epirote Molossians, and so on, apparently seemed natural to many, although perhaps not to non-Greek peoples who were supposed to have descended, say, from Heracles.
In short, diplomatic appeals to kinship between polities existed through most of antiquity. In its origins, kinship diplomacy took concepts of the household, the family, and the clan, and applied them to relations between polities. Two historical transformations tended to erode the use of family metaphors in diplomacy: the rise of Rome to the status of a world empire, and the rise of Christianity with its competing vision of kinship based on religion.
Yet family metaphors figure in Byzantine diplomacy as well. The Persian shah was referred to as the emperor’s “brother.” Unlike Persia, other polities were not considered proper states, and their rulers were mostly labeled “sons” of the emperor. The fraternal relationship with Persia could be reversed in times of conflict, when the shah, too, was addressed as “son.” Friendship metaphors replaced family metaphors to symbolize reciprocity in medieval diplomacy. Resident ambassadors were sent “to win or preserve the friendship of a prince.”
That phrase was a legacy from the earliest stage of the new diplomacy when residents were exchanged only between allies. In some such form as “to conserve and extend the ancient friendship between our two republics,” “because of the loyalty and affection with which my father and I have always regarded the city of Florence,” “in order that your grace my be a partaker of all our thoughts as a friend and brother should,” it remained in use even when the users were habitual enemies on the verge of an open breach.
Today metaphors of family and friendship are reserved for diplomatic rhetoric on festive occasions, whereas hard data on trade balances, foreign investment, currency exchange rates and the like are used as indices of reciprocity. As mentioned earlier, the practice among states of retaliating the expulsion of their diplomats for espionage by expelling an equivalent number of diplomats from the initiating state is a clear-cut case of specific reciprocity. Principles of “give-and-take” also continue to apply to the exchange of information within the diplomatic community. In short, the few examples given above indicate different ways of expressing reciprocity in symbolic, ritualized ways. At the same time, they illustrate the field of tension between specific and diffuse reciprocity that has characterized diplomatic relations throughout history.

?After-reading activities

1 Comprehension questions
1 What is the role of reciprocity in diplomacy?
2What is the use of family metaphors in diplomacy? Give examples.
3 What examples of specific and diffuse reciprocity can be found in history of diplomacy?
4 What is the role of reciprocity in exchange of gifts?
5 What procedures were connected with treatment of messengers?
6 What was the role of appeals to common kinship in Ancient World?
7 What metaphors besides family metaphor could be found in diplomatic relations throughout history?
8 Are metaphors used in diplomacy today?
9 Under what circumstances can diplomats be expelled?
10 What does the principle of “give-and-take” illustrate?

Work with the dictionary and consult the text to do tasks 2 and 3

2 Translate  words and word combinations  from English into  Ukrainian and use them in your own sentences
         Reciprocity; to acknowledge; to flourish; domineering environment; sympathy; papacy; intensification; religious strife; to originate; metaphor; Near East; brotherhood; indebtedness; albeit; grievance; by definition; treatment; to detain; hard-nosed tit-for-tat strategy; in the guise of; generosity; to hark back to; Crusade; ancestry; kinship; genealogy; shah; prince; on the verge of; currency exchange rate

3 Translate from Ukrainian into English
     Взаємність, взаємність поступок; рівноправність; інтенсифікація, підсилення;  кореспонденція; союз; пошана, повага; братерство; двосторонні; кур’єр; реалістичний; ведення переговорів; князь; вірність, відданість; риторика, ораторське мистецтво; вигнання, висилка; напруженість

4 Complete the sentences with words or phrases from the list
        
Tensions; alliance; correspondence; deference; bargaining; city-state; loyalty; bilateral relations; rhetoric; originate; messenger

1.     After all, innovations tend to reflect and fit in with the socioeconomic circumstances of the country or countries in which they _______.
2.     In Europe as a whole, ________ between rulers seems to have been a key means of diplomacy,29 while their meetings, such as that of Louis the German and his brother, Charles of West Frankia, in 870, provided a key opportunity for negotiations.
3.     Rather than forming an anti-U.S. ___________, countries are ‘soft balancing:’ coordinating their diplomatic positions to oppose U.S. policy and obtain more influence together.
4.     Thus, the Spathar-Milescu embassy from Tsar Alexis to the K’ang-hsi Emperor of China faced the fundamental problem that Spathar-Milescu refused to kowtow; a mark of __________ that Europeans correctly saw as taking due respect to the point of humiliating subservience.
5.     Whether this is deemed acceptable or not will depend on the state of _________   ________between the two nations.
6.     They know that it is the message, not the _________, that is the key.
7.     Coercive __________ tactics tend to result in increasingly coercive bargaining on all sides as threats and punishments are reciprocated in a potentially escalating spiral.
8.     My arrival coming just three years after the Iranian Revolution, I found myself literally in an insular __________ whose major communities were newly wary of one another.
9.     The Iran–Iraq War was in its early years and the _______ of Arab to Arab, amply proven in retrospect by the end of the conflict six years hence, was only a hypothesis, a naive one in many eyes.
10. On the other hand, Chinese political discourse is often characterized by a fierce nationalist ______ that is reinforced by the Communist Party’s determination to maintain authoritarian rule.
11. Traditionally public diplomacy was closely linked to conflicts and __________ between countries.

5 Say if the following statements are true according to the text.

1 Central normative themes running through all diplomatic practice are equality and coexistence.
2 Reciprocity was not a popular notion in times of Roman Empire.
3 In diplomacy family matters symbolize sovereignty.
4 Alliance and friendship were embodied in the concept of fraternity.
5 Diplomacy was based on  specific reciprocity.
6 Treatment of messengers was the instance of diffuse reciprocity.
7 Ancient diplomacy was about showing goodwill and generosity.
8 To enter into diplomatic relations in prehistoric epochs one was to claim relationship to a deity or a hero.
9 Diplomatic appeals to kinship existed for a short period of time.
10 Today metaphors of family and friendship are used in diplomacy on festive occasions.

Wednesday 11 June 2014

Toward historical sociology of diplomacy





As should be evident from the above discussion, diplomacy is an institution of international societies, not of individual states. In fact, an important point of departure is to abandon the state-centric perspective that has dominated the study of diplomacy. Instead it can be conceived that diplomacy is an institution structuring relations among polities. A polity can be understood as a political authority, which “has a distinct identity; a capacity to mobilize persons and their resources for political purposes, that is, for value satisfaction; and a degree of institutionalization and hierarchy (leaders and constituents).” Polities, as loci of political authority, are constantly evolving.
In other words, the link between state sovereignty and diplomacy that characterizes contemporary international relations is not inevitable but historically contingent. Following James Rosenau, it is suggested that “what makes actors effective in world politics derives not from the sovereignty they posses or the legal privileges thereby accorded them, but rather lies in relational phenomena, in the authority they can command and the compliance they can thereby elicit.” In a transhistorical perspective, diplomacy may involve all sorts of polities, be they territorial or not, sovereign or not.
This goes hand in hand with the top-down, rather than bottom-up perspective, according to which political space is global and its differentiation a system-driven process. Furthermore, this differentiation is not seen to result in the creation of two distinct political spaces, as in realism. Rather, “global politics has always been a seamless web.” The most important implication of a top-down perspective, for the purposes of the study, is that the international system can be analyzed as a social system and not only as an imaginary state of nature. In other words, the international system can be conceptualized as being constituted by something other than the consequences of interacting self-constituted actors. Indeed, the international system becomes analytically and ontologically prior to the individual units populating it.
In pursuing such a perspective, one can draw on the burgeoning literature on the historical sociology of international relations (IR). Much IR-related historical sociology is either neo-Weberian or neo-Marxist, and, with a few notable exceptions, is focused on the great material processes of war, industrialization and capitalism. More often than not, the explanandum has been the development of the modern state and the economic systems attached to it. This, however, leaves a significant dimension of the global political landscape unacknowledged and unexplained. The neglect of international institutions, in particular, detracts from the central project of neo-Weberian historical sociology – that of understanding the sovereign state as an historically situated and variable political formation. While there are several historical sociologies of international relations, differing not only in focus and interest, but also in terms of epistemological and ontological foundations, there are certain similarities that outweigh these differences. The study will draw on four such similarities.
First, historical sociologists focusing on international relations criticize mainstream IR for being ahistorical and seek to problematize the present. Second, historical sociologists study “the ways in which, in time, actions become institutions and institutions are in turn changed by action.” Third, historical sociology treats the “attainment of stability” as, at least, equally puzzling as the “occurrence of change.” Here the core similarities among the various historical sociologies of international relations stand out in sharp relief: “beneath the hubbub of the modernism/postmodernism dispute, a deeper contest is looming: one between the partisans of modal invariance and the partisans of the flux.” Indeed, the shift from a substantialist to a relational ontology dramatically changes research focus: “It becomes necessary to explain reproduction, constancy, and entityness, rather than development and change.”
Despite their differences, varying historical sociologies are joined in their partisanship of flux. Of course, this does not mean that change is not interesting or in need of study. Whereas historical sociologists often study change, they do not view change as anomalous or stability as natural; it is the specificity of change that needs to be understood or explained, not the abstract phenomenon of change.
Finally, historical sociologists ask questions about the differentiation of international political space. On what basis are polities differentiated and individuated? While different answers are suggested, neither the state nor territoriality is taken for granted. Furthermore, adherents of the English school point out that it is necessary not only to investigate the borders, or differentiation, of polities but also those of international societies. In other words, there are always at least two processes of bordering, or bounding, going on: that among units, and that between these units as a whole and an outside.
These four commonalities of the different historical sociologies of international relations, bridge or sidestep the meta-theoretical debate between reflective post-positivism and the rationalistic mainstream. They also provide methodological advice to the study: avoid ahistoricism, pay attention to processes of institutionalization, look for explanations of stability in natural processes of change, and ask questions about the differentiation and reproduction of international society. Not only do these imperatives provide a basis for theorizing diplomacy but demonstrate that diplomacy is a field of study that underscores these lessons and insights from historical sociology.

?After-reading activities

1 Comprehension questions
1 What is polity?
2 What kind of link if any exists between sovereignty and diplomacy?
3 What is the difference between top-down and bottom-up perspectives in analysis of political space?
4 What is the main focus of IR-related historical sociology?
5 What are the similarities between historical sociologies of international relations?
6 What are the differences between historical sociologies of international relations?
7 What is “attainment of stability” in historical sociology of IR?
8 What is the difference between substantialist and relational ontology?
9 What questions do historical sociologies of international relations attempt to answer? Do they provide similar answers?
10 What methodological advice do historical sociologies of international relations provide?

Work with the dictionary and consult the text to do tasks 2 and 3

2 Translate  words and word combinations  from English into  Ukrainian and use them in your own sentences
          Point of departure; state-centric; to conceive; polity; political authority; to mobilize; institutionalization; to evolve; contingent; to accord; to elicit; transhistorical perspective; top-down; bottom-up; prior to; explanandum; political landscape; epistemological; ahistorical; attainment; hubbub; postmodernism; entityness; partisanship; flux; to individuate; to take  for granted; to bound; commonality; to sidestep; to underscore

3 Translate from Ukrainian into English
Влада; привілеї, перевага; надавати; виконання; розмежування; становити; онтологічно; міжнародні відносини; індустріалізація; капіталізм; аспект, вимір; нехтування; стійкість, стабільність; розмежування; прихильник, послідовник

4 Complete the sentences with words or phrases from the list
dimensions; constitute; compliance; adherents; capitalism; neglect;  stability; unacknowledged; burgeoning; differentiation; populated; political authority; international relations

1.     Napoleon personally fought 60 battles. They were his canvas and palette, and until the very end he believed that battle was the only real ________.
2.     In other words, social influence uses tactics that appeal to our human nature to secure _______, obedience, helping, and behavior and attitude change.
3.     In the 1960s, Lorand Szalay studied free word associations, and found interesting differences among cultures regarding conceptual associations that were thought to ___________ meaning.
4.     As such, while it occupies the relatively sparsely __________ facilitative end of the spectrum it also joins many other organizations in producing messages originating from Britain which are intended to be consumed overseas.
5.     The slums ______ around Morocco’s larger cities teemed with young, underemployed first generation educated youth.
6.     Fulbright’s philosophical support for the human dimension in foreign affairs included a lament that such a dimension was a “low priority add-on to the serious content of our ______  ________.”
7.     On the positive theme of American ideology and the virtues of ____________, the USIA publicized U.S. economic and technical assistance programs, scientific and technological advances, and the virtues of free trade unions.
8.     In government decision-making, ethical considerations are tightly intertwined with political and managerial ones and all three ________ are essential to successful governance.
9.     Such debates are likely to continue so long as the underlying assumptions of communication remain unexposed and the legitimacy and strategic value of both views are __________________.
10. At the same time, Japan was required to ____________ its state-controlled cultural policies and abandon its self-image as a military-state by expressing a fresh vision for its own national identity.
11. In other words, China’s public diplomacy, created and managed by the government, informs and is informed by a specific political agenda and a determination to project an image of strength, affluence, and political responsibility that surmounts the popular impression of China as a state which routinely violates human rights and threatens global ___________.
12. An early definition of propaganda nevertheless points to a useful indirect ____________ between public diplomacy and propaganda, describing the latter as ‘a process that deliberately attempts through persuasion techniques to secure from the propagandee, before he can deliberate freely, the responses desired by the propagandist’.
13. But the attractiveness of this model is being challenged by another: the ‘Beijing Consensus’, which appears to be more relevant to their needs, ‘attracting ______________ at almost the same speed the US model is repelling them.


5 Say if the following statements are true according to the text.
1 Diplomacy is an institution of individual states.
2 Diplomacy structures relations among political parties.
3 Polities are constantly changing, they are not stable.
4 Diplomacy may involve both sovereign or not sovereign polities.
5 International system can be analyzed only as an imaginary state of nature.
6 International system ontologically precede the individual units populating it.
7 IR-related historical literature can be either neo-Weberian or neo-Marxist.
8 Mainstream IR is often seen as  ahistorical.
9 There is difference between  substantialist and relational ontology.
10 Adherents of the English school focus on borders and differentiation of international societies.