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Showing posts with label international relations. Show all posts
Showing posts with label international relations. Show all posts

Monday 16 June 2014

Shared symbols and references: diplomatic protocol



A shared language and shared codes of interpretation are prerequisites for diplomatic communication. The institutionalization of mutually understood phrases and expressions as well as rules governing the external forms of intercourse, include significant elements of ritualization. Protocol, in this wider sense, probably goes as far back as there have been contacts between polities. The term protocol comes from two Greek words meaning “first glue,” and originally denoted the first leaf glued on to a manuscript. In a figurative sense, protocol has come to refer to the basic etiquette, or “stage-directions,” for the enactment of diplomacy.
One can find examples of ritualized phrases and an acute sense of protocol already in the Amarna Letters. The address and greeting phrases of the tablets constituted symbolic expressions of status. Only if the sender was superior or equal to the addressee did he name himself first. Deviations were noted and given sinister interpretations, as in this exchange:
And now, as to the tablet that you sent me, why did you put your name over my name? And who now is the one who upsets the good relations between us, and is such conduct the accepted practice? My brother, did you write to me with peace in mind? And if you are my brother, why have you exalted your name … ?
Other ritualized formulations were used to indicate relative status as well. When a new monarch succeeded to the throne there were pledges of, or demands for, “ten times more love” than for the predecessor. For a demandeur, who wanted to deflate the size of requested concessions from the more powerful Egypt, it was commonplace to use the phrase “gold is as plentiful as dirt” in Egypt. Various expressions of deference adhered to what scholars of the Ancient Near East call “prostration formulae.” Kings or vassals “touched the hem” of the receiver’s garment, “fell at their feet,” or considered themselves “dirt under their sandals.” Another common idiom was “to strike the hand,” which was used to express refusals of offers of alliance or breakoff of friendly relations. The phrase appears to refer to the thrusting back of a hand outstretched in friendship or previously clasped in friendship, and indicates that agreements were confirmed by the perennial handshakes.
Similar examples of a fine-tuned language can be found in Byzantine diplomacy. In fact, the sense of protocol pervaded all Byzantine letters where linguistic nuances express the relative status and relationship of writer and recipient. And by the mid-fifteenth century, all the principal chanceries of Europe had in their formularies model credentials showing how each of their neighbours should be addressed, and most legal textbooks laid down the general rules to be observed.
Modern diplomatic language is replete with standardized phrases and guarded understatements. For example, a verbal or written communication to the effect that the diplomat’s government “cannot remain indifferent to” an international issue, is understood to signal intervention; and the government that expresses “grave concern” over a matter is expected to adopt a strong position. Each era, in short, appears to have had its own set of ritualized phrases that were well understood among diplomatic agents and rulers and enabled them to communicate even unpleasant things with an amount of tact and courtesy.
Moreover, the format of written and oral diplomatic communications has always been subject to strict conventions. Already sixteenth-century BC Hittite treaties follow a set pattern of preamble, historical introduction, provisions, deposition, list of divine witnesses and, finally, curses and blessings. The form of the diplomatic correspondence in the Amarna Letters is similarly standardized. After an address, directed to the scribe who will read the letter, follows a salutation, consisting of a report of the sender’s well-being and an expression of good wishes for the addressee. The body of the letter consists of varying combinations of declarations of friendship, discussions of gifts associated with this friendship, proposals of marriage, and list of goods exchanged at the time of marriage.
The heraldic practices described in Homer’s Iliad indicate the existence of implicit rules of oral presentation in Ancient Greek diplomacy. Explicit rules of oral and written presentation were formulated in the medieval art of composing diplomatic discourses for public delivery, ars arengandi. Resident ambassadors in Renaissance Italy prepared two kinds of information for their rulers in addition to their regular dispatches: “reports,” which were periodical, carefully prepared statements of the political situation in the host polity; and “relations,” which were their final reports on the completion of their mission. Similar interventions are expected from ambassadors to this day.
In contemporary official communication a distinction is made between a note, a formal letter addressed to the foreign minister, signed by the ambassador, and written in the first person; a note verbale, an unsigned letter from the embassy to the Foreign Ministry, written in the third person; and an aide-mémoire or memorandum, which records facts already known, or statements already made, and carries no signature.
The ritualized courtesy that we associate with diplomatic communication has oriental roots. “The East had … long been accustomed to a studied courtesy, and it was from its more polished manners that Western Europe was later to acquire those polite forms of intercourse which marked the age of chivalry.” The emphasis on ceremonial can also be traced back to Oriental diplomacy.
Eighth-century BC descriptions of the reception of envoys in the multistate system of Ancient China detail the formalities of offering and declining gifts. One study of diplomacy in the Ch’un-ch’iu (Spring and Autumn) period, 722–481 BC, elaborates on the great amount of ritual in the relations between the states, which strove to outdo each other in their ceremonies to such an extent that their ability to put on a rich ceremonial front frequently determined their position among their associates.” The elaborate rituals served as a reflection of economic strength and, since their rigidity required much discipline, as an indication of the efficiency of the current regime. The extreme formality of diplomatic relations required a lot from the emissaries. For example, they could not attend any ceremonies to which their rank did not entitle them; at banquets in their honor, they had to be able to respond appropriately to toasts, which usually involved the ability to select for the occasion a fitting verse from the well-known songs of the time; and practically all the major events in the life of a ruling family required some sort of diplomatic representation. It is significant that still a millennium later, in the seventh century, China’s diplomatic relations were handled by officials at the Court of State Ceremonies.
Byzantine emperors similarly attached extreme importance to ceremonial and the reception of ambassadors. In fact, one emperor, Constantine Porphyogenius wrote a detailed Book of Ceremonies, which apparently served as a manual for his successors. Byzantium pursued a “diplomacy of hospitality,” a routine of lavish receptions and banquets at the palace with a large number of foreign guests in attendance whose obvious purpose was to create an impression of greatness and world power. A special department, skrinion barbarôn, arranged the reception of foreign ambassadors and saw to it that they were suitably impressed. The ceremonies were designed to reflect the orderliness and stability of celestial and imperial power, with a heavy emphasis on the association of the emperor with Christ. The skrinion barbarôn eventually developed into a virtual foreign ministry.
The close relationship between Byzantium and Venice provided a channel of transmission of such attention to ceremonial to the Western world. Thus, in Renaissance Venice a record was kept, the Libro Ceremoniale, of the exact ceremonies performed for each visiting dignitary. This served as a manual for the ritual treatment of future guests.
For each visitor a raft of ceremonial decisions had to be made: how far into the lagoon must the senators (and how many senators) go to meet the visiting dignitary; should the doge – the Venetian head of government – rise from his seat or come down from his daise in the Collegio in order to greet an ambassador; how valuable should the gold chain be that was the customary gift to foreign representatives; and what were the Venetian officials to wear at the reception?
The elaborate body of rules governing the behavior of participants and the minutest details of ceremonies reduced the possibility that inadvertent acts of diplomats might lead to miscommunication with foreign rulers. Diplomatic envoys had varied ceremonial functions in the late Middle Ages, a period of “a thousand formalities”:
Marriage ceremonies required the presence of ambassadors representing states friendly to those becoming allied through marriage, and a reluctance to send ambassadors or orators to grace a wedding would tend to indicate a coolness toward at least one of the parties. The death of a friendly prince or a member of his family was another of those climactic events surrounded with solemn pageantry and calling for an embassy to share the grief and offer condolences. “Funeral diplomacy” has been resurrected as a variant of summitry in modern times, but then less for its ceremonial functions and more as an opportunity for valuable contacts between the successors in power and politicians from other countries.
The exchange of gifts as part of the diplomatic ceremonial from antiquity onwards could of course degenerate into bribes, and the line between the two was diffuse – much in the same way that information gathering may convert into spying. While much less elaborate and significant, some ceremonials remain in modern diplomacy. For instance, the reception of a new ambassador is still surrounded by rituals. And state visits have retained time-honored ceremonial forms, including the exchange of gifts and banquets.
The conclusion of treaties seems to have been associated with rituals throughout history. In the Ancient Near East treaties invariably ended with summons to the deities of both parties to act as witnesses to the treaty provisions and explicit threats of divine retribution were envisaged in case of violation. The number of deities assembled as treaty witnesses was often substantial, in some cases approaching one thousand. Oaths were sworn by the gods of both parties, so that each ruler exposed himself to the punishment of both sets of deities should he fail to comply.
Moreover, the conclusion of treaties was accompanied by sacrifice and other gestures symbolic of the punishment that would follow a breach of the treaty. Several letters refer to the sacrifice of an animal, most often the foal of an ass. For the nomads, the donkey was their sole auxiliary at a time when horses were virtually unknown. Thus the sacrifice of a donkey stressed, by its costly and spectacular nature, the importance of the consecrated event. In connection with swearing the oath, each ruler was said to “touch his throat.” Possibly he drew a knife, or perhaps a finger, across his throat, symbolizing the fate of treaty breakers. It is unclear whether the animal sacrifice and “touching the throat” were alternative or complementary ceremonies.
There is a striking similarity with treaty rituals in Ancient China. There, too, an animal – usually a calf or an ox – was sacrificed. The treaty document was bound to the sacrificial animal, whose left ear was cut off. Both the document and the lips of the principals were smeared with blood from the ear. The document, one copy of which was buried with the sacrificial animal while the signatories kept one copy each, contained an oath invoking the wrath of the gods upon anyone who violated the covenant. When the Romans concluded a treaty, officials had the treaty read aloud to the envoys of the other contracting party, pronounced a curse on any violator of its terms, whereupon they cut the throat of a sow with the lapis silex, a dagger of immense antiquity.  In short, early diplomacy in different parts of the world seems to validate the common view among anthropologists that ritual sacrifice is a substitute for the primal violence that threatens to destroy society.
In Ancient Greece, on the other hand, the conclusion of a treaty was accompanied by a libation to the gods, spondai, and was generally affirmed by oaths, horkoi. Both terms came to be used figuratively to refer to treaties. The ritual sacrifice had thus taken on a more symbolic form, which has survived until our days in the form of the ritual champagne toasts accompanying the signing of modern treaties.
The practice of uttering religious oaths as part of the ceremony of signing treaty documents is found in early Byzantine diplomacy as well. The Byzantines accepted non-Christian oaths of validation, in a way reminiscent of the Ancient Near East practice of invoking multiple deities as witnesses. Religious appeals, at a time when Gods were considered as real as the material world, had its advantages; “since divine sanction rather than national consent gave ancient international law its obligatory quality, it was in some respects more feared and binding than modern international law.”
In sum, different historical eras have developed a sense of protocol that has enabled diplomats to concentrate on substantive issues without adding unnecessary disagreements about the external forms of intercourse, while at the same time allowing for discrete signaling through deviations from ritualized forms and expressions.

?After-reading activities

1 Comprehension questions
1 What is required for diplomatic communication?
2 What is protocol?
3 When and where can we find first examples of diplomatic protocols?
4 What are the earliest examples of courtesy and fine language in diplomacy?
5 How can modern diplomats make use of refined language? Give examples.
6 What are the traditional conventions of formal written and oral diplomatic communication?
7What is the difference between note, note verbale and memorandum?
8 What are the traditions and implications of gifts in diplomacy?
9 What are the ceremonies connected with reception of ambassadors?
10 What are the traditions connected with signing treaties and agreements?
Work with the dictionary and consult the text to do tasks 2 and 3

2 Translate  words and word combinations  from English into  Ukrainian and use them in your own sentences
Institutionalization; intercourse; ritualization; protocol; figurative sense; etiquette; enactment; greeting; tablets; deviation; to upset; to exalt; formulation; pledge; demandeur; to deflate; concession; to adhere; prostration; garment; alliance; breakoff; to thrust; to clasp; perennial; fine-tuned language; credentials; replete; standardized phrase; understatement; indifferent; grave concern; courtesy; convention; preamble; provision; deposition; scribe; salutation; heraldic practice; implicit rule; note verbale; signature; chivalry; emissary; lavish; dignitary; doge; inadvertent; miscommunication; pageantry; condolences; bribe; deity; retribution; foal; ass; nomad; consecrated event; signatory

3 Translate from Ukrainian into English
Передумова; відносини, звязок; протокол; умова, положення; статус; формулювання; поступка, концесія; союз, альянс; вірчі грамоти; применшення, стримане висловлювання; інтервенція; глибоке занепокоєння; дипломатичний представник; ввічливість; передмова, вступ; положення, умова; оголошення; офіційне повідомлення, депеша; міністр закордонних справ; вербальна нота; памятний листок; емісар, агент; сановник; небажання; співчуття; хабар, підкуп; порушення; клятва; діяти відповідно до правил; який підписався чи взяв участь у підписанні; відносини, звязок

4 Complete the sentences with words or phrases from the list
         Missions; status; institutionalization; protocol; violations; concession; credentials; memorandum; declarations; dispatch; formulation; alliances; foreign minister; allied; intervention;

1.     What J. William Fulbright proposed in 1946 was the ______ of his own overseas odyssey.
2.     All social groups can be reached in this way, although the higher in the hierarchy of a profession one aims for, the more prestigious the program has to be, and the likelihood increases that the person will be unable to accept due to work pressure or simply ________.
3.     This, of course, is subsumed within the broader debate regarding the present ________ and future role of professional diplomats and the environments in which they operate.
4.     In Gareth Evans’ and Bruce Grant’s ______________ of the ‘niche diplomacy’ idea, both countries, but more especially Norway, have also concentrated resources ‘in specific areas best able to generate returns worth having, rather than trying to cover the field’.
5.     Public diplomacy is particularly important for implementing GRIT as it can be used
6.     to make clear the cooperative nature of a _____________ and the desire for a reciprocating action by an adversary.
7.     His challenge was not to build lasting _______ or mergers of Arab states, but to loosen the political framework within which Arabs found themselves.
8.     The growth of civil society and global social movements is changing the character
9.     of multilateral diplomacy, as its intergovernmental _______ are redefined in the light of growing participation by non-governmental organizations.
10. The most glaring recent example of disunity was the Iraq crisis, but the problem of an obvious discrepancy between lofty ideals as expressed in EU _________ and concrete action is notorious.
11. In 1936, an Associated Press _______ from Paris noted that Leftists were applauding the pledge of the new (and short-lived) French premier Albert Sarraut to “use ‘public diplomacy’ in foreign affairs.”
12. _______ abroad are typically small, with perhaps only two or three diplomats to cover the whole range of diplomatic tasks.
13. It can pursue a wide variety of objectives, such as in the field of political dialogue, trade and foreign investment, the establishment of links with civil society groups beyond the opinion gatekeepers, but also has ‘hard power’ goals such as alliance management, conflict prevention or military ______________.
14. It was Gareth Evans, when serving as ______     ________ of ‘middlepower’ Australia, who gave ‘niche diplomacy’ its name.
15. The value of international cultural interchange is to win respect for the cultural achievements of our free society, where that respect is necessary to inspire cooperation with us in world affairs’, according to a 1950 ________ from the Bureau of the Budget that differs little from the utilitarian approach that governs US cultural diplomacy today.

16.  US policy-makers could have learned from their experiences in Yugoslavia and the Gulf Wars of the 1990s that a political mandate from the ‘international community’ (preferably the UN Security Council) comes with the handy permission to use foreign bases, _______ troops, financial means to fund the operation, and – most importantly – the credibility and status of legitimacy.
17. Asia worries about China’s economic and political rise; Europe mainly about China’s _______ of human rights; and the US worries about both.


5 Say if the following statements are true according to the text.
1 Diplomatic protocol is rooted in ritualization.
2 The term protocol comes from two Greek words meaning ‘ritual’.
3 Modern diplomatic language is full of exaggerations.
4 Each century has had its own set of phrases understood among diplomatic agents.
5 Conventions govern written and oral diplomatic communications.
6 In history diplomatic relations were not very formal.
7 Diplomatic ceremonial of exchange of gifts could result in bribes.
8 The conclusion of treaties was often accompanied by human sacrifice in Ancient China.
9 Ritual sacrifice in ancient world symbolized the danger of violating the treaty.
10 Protocol  helped to develop similar discreet signals for diplomats.

Write an essay on Amarna Letters or Ch’un-ch’iu (Spring and Autumn) and their role in history of diplomatic protocol.

Sunday 15 June 2014

Diplomacy, mediation and international society



It can be suggested that diplomacy plays a crucial role in mediating universalism and particularism, and that diplomacy thereby in a sense constitutes and produces international society. Each combination of universalism and particularism – whether settled in a treaty or, more commonly, continuously negotiated – represents a differentiation of political space. Each resolution specifies, often implicitly, who “we” are and which competence we have (universalism), and who “I” am and which competence I have (particularism).
Let us briefly illustrate the intermingling and messiness of material with the
example of the so-called Westphalian system emerging as a result of the peace agreement after the Thirty Years War. The Peace of Westphalia organized Europe on the basis of particularism. It represented a new diplomatic arrangement – an order created by states, for states – and replaced most of the legal vestiges of hierarchy, at the pinnacle of which were the Pope and the Holy Roman Emperor.  In the words of scholars, a new international society “evolved out of the struggle between the forces tending towards a hegemonial order and those which succeeded in pushing the new Europe towards the independent end of our spectrum.” The seventeenth century resolution was a compromise between several material and ideational propensities, none of which had prevailed as a result of the war. In our terms, it is noteworthy that the Westphalian system was a compromise between the universalistic idea of Christian unity, reformulated as a natural law derived from God, and the particularistic notion of sovereignty. Whereas the Westphalian settlement is traditionally viewed as the death knell for a Christian society of polities, strong vestiges of universalism remained. First, sovereignty did not imply equality. The notion that all kings were directly ordained by God rather than by the pope, did not at all mean that all kings were equal. And while the Peace of Westphalia “was largely successful in containing the hegemonic aspirations of the Habsburgs, … it did not anticipate the ambitions of the Bourbon Louis XIV to dominate Europe.”
In Westphalian example above the treaties of Osnabrück and Münster specified, both implicitly and explicitly, that “we” were Christiansand that “I” was a King ordained by God. Diplomacy contributes to, as well as reflects, this differentiation of international society. Let us turn, next, to three essential dimensions of diplomacy that capture the mechanisms involved in mediating universalism and particularism.
         Scholars distinguish three essential or constitutive dimensions of diplomacy: communication, representation and reproduction of international society. Diplomacy is often characterized as communication between polities. Without communication there can be no diplomacy. Negotiation is generally regarded as the core of, and sometimes equated with, diplomacy.
Representation is another core dimension of diplomacy, insofar as diplomats are representatives of principals, acting on their behalf and standing as symbols of them and their polities. Reproduction, finally, refers to the ways in which diplomacy contributes to the creation and continuation of a particular international society. By “reproduction” scholars mean the processes by which polities, or groups of polities, maintain themselves as such. As partisans of flux, scholars favor a concept that emphasizes the need to explain permanence. Reproduction implies that continuity cannot be taken for granted. Diplomatic recognition and socialization are the core mechanisms through which diplomacy helps constituting – and is, in turn, constituted by – any given differentiation of international space.

?After-reading activities

1 Comprehension questions
1 What is the role of diplomacy in international society?
2 What is the difference between universalism and particularism?
3 Where do universalism and particularism manifest themselves in international relations?
4 How many dimensions of diplomacy can scholars single out?
5 What are these dimensions? Define each of them.
6 What is the essence of representation?
7 What is the function of reproduction in international relations?
8 What is scholarly definition of reproduction?
9 What does the concept of reproduction imply?
10 What does diplomacy help constitute?
Work with the dictionary and consult the text to do tasks 2 and 3

2 Translate  words and word combinations  from English into  Ukrainian and use them in your own sentences
Crucial role; universalism; particularism; implicitly; constitutive; reproduction; to equate with; principal; on behalf; flux; socialization

3 Translate from Ukrainian into English
Бути сполучною ланкою; партикуляризм; становити; договір, угода; резолюція; аспект, вимір; звязок, комунікація; прирівнювати; сталість, незмінність

4 Complete the sentences with words or phrases from the list
         Treaty; reproduction; mediating; equate; constitute; dimension; contribute; communication; produce; resolutions 

1.     It may be safe to say, however, that if Fulbright students were made more aware of the ______ function in exchange then more students would undertake this role as part of their sojourn.
2.     It is, however, realistic to aspire to influencing the milieu factors that _______ the psychological and political environment in which attitudes and policies towards other countries are debated.
3.     Taken together, these pieces in the public diplomacy jigsaw ________ a more intricate picture than is apparent at first sight – and certainly one more complex than the assumptions on which some governments’ official public diplomacy efforts appear to rest.
4.     The Ottawa Convention – the ‘most rapidly ratified’ such international _____ ever – came into force on 1 March 1999.
5.     In their local committees, people were invited to discuss foreign policy issues and submit ______ on them to higher bodies.
6.     The relative absence of these countries from the internet reminds us both of the great imbalance of power that exists in this ______ of public diplomacy and the low tolerance of the strong for feelings of insecurity.
7.     Along with the ______ of the command center for constant monitoring of international media, the Rapid Response Unit issues daily guidance complete with talking points for American embassies and consulates to respond to emergent matters in the media. 
8.     Despite this, the concept of public diplomacy is not employed, not even recognized, among the majority of officials who were interviewed for this research, nor is it found in any of the Commission’s or Council Secretariat’s policy papers or other types of ________.
9.     The impression, however, is that like many governments and diplomatic missions elsewhere, the Taliban diplomats felt under pressure to respond to something, the demands of the mass media as articulated by the Islamabad press corps, which they did not particularly _____ with the world of publics and their opinions.
10. Used well, it can ___________ to the EU’s ‘meta-narrative’   by providing a sense of belonging to the same community of values.

5 Say if the following statements are true according to the text.

1 Diplomacy helps to mediate universalism and particularism.
2 In each resolution traces of universalism and particularism can be found.
3 Diplomacy establishes the differentiation of international society.
4 There are four essential dimensions of diplomacy.
5 Negotiation is the basis of diplomacy.
6 Negotiation is as synonym of  diplomacy.
7 Representation is not a core dimension of diplomacy.
8 Reproduction is the synonym of representation.
9 Representation helps polities, or groups of polities maintain themselves as such.
10 Reproduction means that continuity should be taken for granted.

 Write an essay on Treaty of Westphalia  and its role in international relations.

Wednesday 11 June 2014

Toward historical sociology of diplomacy





As should be evident from the above discussion, diplomacy is an institution of international societies, not of individual states. In fact, an important point of departure is to abandon the state-centric perspective that has dominated the study of diplomacy. Instead it can be conceived that diplomacy is an institution structuring relations among polities. A polity can be understood as a political authority, which “has a distinct identity; a capacity to mobilize persons and their resources for political purposes, that is, for value satisfaction; and a degree of institutionalization and hierarchy (leaders and constituents).” Polities, as loci of political authority, are constantly evolving.
In other words, the link between state sovereignty and diplomacy that characterizes contemporary international relations is not inevitable but historically contingent. Following James Rosenau, it is suggested that “what makes actors effective in world politics derives not from the sovereignty they posses or the legal privileges thereby accorded them, but rather lies in relational phenomena, in the authority they can command and the compliance they can thereby elicit.” In a transhistorical perspective, diplomacy may involve all sorts of polities, be they territorial or not, sovereign or not.
This goes hand in hand with the top-down, rather than bottom-up perspective, according to which political space is global and its differentiation a system-driven process. Furthermore, this differentiation is not seen to result in the creation of two distinct political spaces, as in realism. Rather, “global politics has always been a seamless web.” The most important implication of a top-down perspective, for the purposes of the study, is that the international system can be analyzed as a social system and not only as an imaginary state of nature. In other words, the international system can be conceptualized as being constituted by something other than the consequences of interacting self-constituted actors. Indeed, the international system becomes analytically and ontologically prior to the individual units populating it.
In pursuing such a perspective, one can draw on the burgeoning literature on the historical sociology of international relations (IR). Much IR-related historical sociology is either neo-Weberian or neo-Marxist, and, with a few notable exceptions, is focused on the great material processes of war, industrialization and capitalism. More often than not, the explanandum has been the development of the modern state and the economic systems attached to it. This, however, leaves a significant dimension of the global political landscape unacknowledged and unexplained. The neglect of international institutions, in particular, detracts from the central project of neo-Weberian historical sociology – that of understanding the sovereign state as an historically situated and variable political formation. While there are several historical sociologies of international relations, differing not only in focus and interest, but also in terms of epistemological and ontological foundations, there are certain similarities that outweigh these differences. The study will draw on four such similarities.
First, historical sociologists focusing on international relations criticize mainstream IR for being ahistorical and seek to problematize the present. Second, historical sociologists study “the ways in which, in time, actions become institutions and institutions are in turn changed by action.” Third, historical sociology treats the “attainment of stability” as, at least, equally puzzling as the “occurrence of change.” Here the core similarities among the various historical sociologies of international relations stand out in sharp relief: “beneath the hubbub of the modernism/postmodernism dispute, a deeper contest is looming: one between the partisans of modal invariance and the partisans of the flux.” Indeed, the shift from a substantialist to a relational ontology dramatically changes research focus: “It becomes necessary to explain reproduction, constancy, and entityness, rather than development and change.”
Despite their differences, varying historical sociologies are joined in their partisanship of flux. Of course, this does not mean that change is not interesting or in need of study. Whereas historical sociologists often study change, they do not view change as anomalous or stability as natural; it is the specificity of change that needs to be understood or explained, not the abstract phenomenon of change.
Finally, historical sociologists ask questions about the differentiation of international political space. On what basis are polities differentiated and individuated? While different answers are suggested, neither the state nor territoriality is taken for granted. Furthermore, adherents of the English school point out that it is necessary not only to investigate the borders, or differentiation, of polities but also those of international societies. In other words, there are always at least two processes of bordering, or bounding, going on: that among units, and that between these units as a whole and an outside.
These four commonalities of the different historical sociologies of international relations, bridge or sidestep the meta-theoretical debate between reflective post-positivism and the rationalistic mainstream. They also provide methodological advice to the study: avoid ahistoricism, pay attention to processes of institutionalization, look for explanations of stability in natural processes of change, and ask questions about the differentiation and reproduction of international society. Not only do these imperatives provide a basis for theorizing diplomacy but demonstrate that diplomacy is a field of study that underscores these lessons and insights from historical sociology.

?After-reading activities

1 Comprehension questions
1 What is polity?
2 What kind of link if any exists between sovereignty and diplomacy?
3 What is the difference between top-down and bottom-up perspectives in analysis of political space?
4 What is the main focus of IR-related historical sociology?
5 What are the similarities between historical sociologies of international relations?
6 What are the differences between historical sociologies of international relations?
7 What is “attainment of stability” in historical sociology of IR?
8 What is the difference between substantialist and relational ontology?
9 What questions do historical sociologies of international relations attempt to answer? Do they provide similar answers?
10 What methodological advice do historical sociologies of international relations provide?

Work with the dictionary and consult the text to do tasks 2 and 3

2 Translate  words and word combinations  from English into  Ukrainian and use them in your own sentences
          Point of departure; state-centric; to conceive; polity; political authority; to mobilize; institutionalization; to evolve; contingent; to accord; to elicit; transhistorical perspective; top-down; bottom-up; prior to; explanandum; political landscape; epistemological; ahistorical; attainment; hubbub; postmodernism; entityness; partisanship; flux; to individuate; to take  for granted; to bound; commonality; to sidestep; to underscore

3 Translate from Ukrainian into English
Влада; привілеї, перевага; надавати; виконання; розмежування; становити; онтологічно; міжнародні відносини; індустріалізація; капіталізм; аспект, вимір; нехтування; стійкість, стабільність; розмежування; прихильник, послідовник

4 Complete the sentences with words or phrases from the list
dimensions; constitute; compliance; adherents; capitalism; neglect;  stability; unacknowledged; burgeoning; differentiation; populated; political authority; international relations

1.     Napoleon personally fought 60 battles. They were his canvas and palette, and until the very end he believed that battle was the only real ________.
2.     In other words, social influence uses tactics that appeal to our human nature to secure _______, obedience, helping, and behavior and attitude change.
3.     In the 1960s, Lorand Szalay studied free word associations, and found interesting differences among cultures regarding conceptual associations that were thought to ___________ meaning.
4.     As such, while it occupies the relatively sparsely __________ facilitative end of the spectrum it also joins many other organizations in producing messages originating from Britain which are intended to be consumed overseas.
5.     The slums ______ around Morocco’s larger cities teemed with young, underemployed first generation educated youth.
6.     Fulbright’s philosophical support for the human dimension in foreign affairs included a lament that such a dimension was a “low priority add-on to the serious content of our ______  ________.”
7.     On the positive theme of American ideology and the virtues of ____________, the USIA publicized U.S. economic and technical assistance programs, scientific and technological advances, and the virtues of free trade unions.
8.     In government decision-making, ethical considerations are tightly intertwined with political and managerial ones and all three ________ are essential to successful governance.
9.     Such debates are likely to continue so long as the underlying assumptions of communication remain unexposed and the legitimacy and strategic value of both views are __________________.
10. At the same time, Japan was required to ____________ its state-controlled cultural policies and abandon its self-image as a military-state by expressing a fresh vision for its own national identity.
11. In other words, China’s public diplomacy, created and managed by the government, informs and is informed by a specific political agenda and a determination to project an image of strength, affluence, and political responsibility that surmounts the popular impression of China as a state which routinely violates human rights and threatens global ___________.
12. An early definition of propaganda nevertheless points to a useful indirect ____________ between public diplomacy and propaganda, describing the latter as ‘a process that deliberately attempts through persuasion techniques to secure from the propagandee, before he can deliberate freely, the responses desired by the propagandist’.
13. But the attractiveness of this model is being challenged by another: the ‘Beijing Consensus’, which appears to be more relevant to their needs, ‘attracting ______________ at almost the same speed the US model is repelling them.


5 Say if the following statements are true according to the text.
1 Diplomacy is an institution of individual states.
2 Diplomacy structures relations among political parties.
3 Polities are constantly changing, they are not stable.
4 Diplomacy may involve both sovereign or not sovereign polities.
5 International system can be analyzed only as an imaginary state of nature.
6 International system ontologically precede the individual units populating it.
7 IR-related historical literature can be either neo-Weberian or neo-Marxist.
8 Mainstream IR is often seen as  ahistorical.
9 There is difference between  substantialist and relational ontology.
10 Adherents of the English school focus on borders and differentiation of international societies.