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Showing posts with label reciprocity. Show all posts
Showing posts with label reciprocity. Show all posts

Sunday 29 June 2014

Reciprocity




We have identified coexistence and reciprocity as central normative themes running through all diplomatic practice. The other side of the same coin is that in eras when the dominant polities are not prepared to acknowledge equal rights and to negotiate on the basis of reciprocity, diplomacy will not flourish or develop. This applies, in particular, to the all-embracing Roman Empire. The soul of the diplomatic idea is reciprocity, and this was an unfashionable notion in the domineering environment of Roman politics after victories in war. Nor did reciprocity find real sympathy in medieval Europe, when the Empire and the papacy had inherited the Roman claim to rule the world. Similarly, the intensification of religious strife in Europe in the late sixteenth century nearly wrecked the diplomatic system originating in Renaissance Italy.
In other eras, when the reciprocity principle had been accepted, family metaphors were often used to symbolize equal rights and fair exchanges. In the diplomacy of the Ancient Near East they figured prominently. Kings exchanging diplomatic correspondence called each other “brother,” characterized their alliances as “brotherhood,” and described relations of “love,” “enjoying” and “not afflicting” each other’s heart, sharing resources and gratifying each other’s desires. Sometimes, due to differences in age, the image of a father–son relationship was invoked instead.  Whereas paternity seems to have been an expression of indebtedness and deference, fraternity was associated with alliances and friendly relations, albeit not necessarily equality. Exchanges, ranging from brides, gifts and wealth to military assistance, were governed by strong norms of reciprocity. Despite the frequent use of family metaphors, specific reciprocity – where the participants insist on an appropriate “quid” for every “quo” – rather than diffuse reciprocity – where no immediate return is expected – seems to have been the predominant norm. While there are many expressions of expected equivalence of behavior in bilateral relations, variations on the theme “do to me what I have done to you,” mostly reflect expectations of specific rather than diffuse reciprocity.
This was obvious in the exchanges of gifts. “My gift does not amount to what I have given you every year,” complained the Babylonian king to the Egyptian Pharaoh. The Mittanian king Tushratta voiced similar grievances about his gifts: “in comparison with mine they are not equivalent”; moreover, “my brother has not given to me the equivalent of what he dispatched to my father.” While such complaints reflect ingrained expectations of specific reciprocity, one could argue that gift exchanges which are unbalanced in the short term and thus generate the need for continuing contact are much better suited to the preservation of political relationships than barter exchanges, which are perfectly balanced by definition.
Specific reciprocity was expected in other areas as well, such as the treatment of messengers. Tushratta repeatedly told the Egyptian Pharaoh that he would detain the Pharaoh’s messenger, “until my brother lets my messengers go and they come to me.” In short, behind the professed brotherly love in the Amarna Letters one can discern a preference for hard-nosed tit-for-tat strategies. The rule of reciprocity generated an endless process of bargaining in the guise of a competition in generosity.
In the same way that family metaphors were central in Near Eastern diplomacy, notions of extended kinship formed the basis of reciprocity in Ancient Greece. Kinship claims often harked back to the mythical past, and “the Greeks attributed to the Heroic Age a form of internationalism like that of medieval chivalry, participation in a common adventure as in a medieval Crusade.” Appeals to kinship created by direct descent from gods or heroes in prehistoric epochs were central to entering into diplomatic relations. Kinship pleas applied to relations not only between Greek city-states but also between Greeks and non-Greeks, such as the Persian Empire. For the propagation of common ancestry across and beyond the Greek world, it was an essential feature of some of the most famous gods and heroes that they were remembered as promiscuous wanderers. For the panhellenic ambitions of Philip and Alexander, for example, it was important to invoke the myth that a descendant of Heracles founded the royal line of Macedon. These myths of origin and kinship were regarded not as myths but as knowledge. In the Archaic period, having the same ‘Greek’ heroes sire genealogies of Indians, Persians, Etruscans, Epirote Molossians, and so on, apparently seemed natural to many, although perhaps not to non-Greek peoples who were supposed to have descended, say, from Heracles.
In short, diplomatic appeals to kinship between polities existed through most of antiquity. In its origins, kinship diplomacy took concepts of the household, the family, and the clan, and applied them to relations between polities. Two historical transformations tended to erode the use of family metaphors in diplomacy: the rise of Rome to the status of a world empire, and the rise of Christianity with its competing vision of kinship based on religion.
Yet family metaphors figure in Byzantine diplomacy as well. The Persian shah was referred to as the emperor’s “brother.” Unlike Persia, other polities were not considered proper states, and their rulers were mostly labeled “sons” of the emperor. The fraternal relationship with Persia could be reversed in times of conflict, when the shah, too, was addressed as “son.” Friendship metaphors replaced family metaphors to symbolize reciprocity in medieval diplomacy. Resident ambassadors were sent “to win or preserve the friendship of a prince.”
That phrase was a legacy from the earliest stage of the new diplomacy when residents were exchanged only between allies. In some such form as “to conserve and extend the ancient friendship between our two republics,” “because of the loyalty and affection with which my father and I have always regarded the city of Florence,” “in order that your grace my be a partaker of all our thoughts as a friend and brother should,” it remained in use even when the users were habitual enemies on the verge of an open breach.
Today metaphors of family and friendship are reserved for diplomatic rhetoric on festive occasions, whereas hard data on trade balances, foreign investment, currency exchange rates and the like are used as indices of reciprocity. As mentioned earlier, the practice among states of retaliating the expulsion of their diplomats for espionage by expelling an equivalent number of diplomats from the initiating state is a clear-cut case of specific reciprocity. Principles of “give-and-take” also continue to apply to the exchange of information within the diplomatic community. In short, the few examples given above indicate different ways of expressing reciprocity in symbolic, ritualized ways. At the same time, they illustrate the field of tension between specific and diffuse reciprocity that has characterized diplomatic relations throughout history.

?After-reading activities

1 Comprehension questions
1 What is the role of reciprocity in diplomacy?
2What is the use of family metaphors in diplomacy? Give examples.
3 What examples of specific and diffuse reciprocity can be found in history of diplomacy?
4 What is the role of reciprocity in exchange of gifts?
5 What procedures were connected with treatment of messengers?
6 What was the role of appeals to common kinship in Ancient World?
7 What metaphors besides family metaphor could be found in diplomatic relations throughout history?
8 Are metaphors used in diplomacy today?
9 Under what circumstances can diplomats be expelled?
10 What does the principle of “give-and-take” illustrate?

Work with the dictionary and consult the text to do tasks 2 and 3

2 Translate  words and word combinations  from English into  Ukrainian and use them in your own sentences
         Reciprocity; to acknowledge; to flourish; domineering environment; sympathy; papacy; intensification; religious strife; to originate; metaphor; Near East; brotherhood; indebtedness; albeit; grievance; by definition; treatment; to detain; hard-nosed tit-for-tat strategy; in the guise of; generosity; to hark back to; Crusade; ancestry; kinship; genealogy; shah; prince; on the verge of; currency exchange rate

3 Translate from Ukrainian into English
     Взаємність, взаємність поступок; рівноправність; інтенсифікація, підсилення;  кореспонденція; союз; пошана, повага; братерство; двосторонні; кур’єр; реалістичний; ведення переговорів; князь; вірність, відданість; риторика, ораторське мистецтво; вигнання, висилка; напруженість

4 Complete the sentences with words or phrases from the list
        
Tensions; alliance; correspondence; deference; bargaining; city-state; loyalty; bilateral relations; rhetoric; originate; messenger

1.     After all, innovations tend to reflect and fit in with the socioeconomic circumstances of the country or countries in which they _______.
2.     In Europe as a whole, ________ between rulers seems to have been a key means of diplomacy,29 while their meetings, such as that of Louis the German and his brother, Charles of West Frankia, in 870, provided a key opportunity for negotiations.
3.     Rather than forming an anti-U.S. ___________, countries are ‘soft balancing:’ coordinating their diplomatic positions to oppose U.S. policy and obtain more influence together.
4.     Thus, the Spathar-Milescu embassy from Tsar Alexis to the K’ang-hsi Emperor of China faced the fundamental problem that Spathar-Milescu refused to kowtow; a mark of __________ that Europeans correctly saw as taking due respect to the point of humiliating subservience.
5.     Whether this is deemed acceptable or not will depend on the state of _________   ________between the two nations.
6.     They know that it is the message, not the _________, that is the key.
7.     Coercive __________ tactics tend to result in increasingly coercive bargaining on all sides as threats and punishments are reciprocated in a potentially escalating spiral.
8.     My arrival coming just three years after the Iranian Revolution, I found myself literally in an insular __________ whose major communities were newly wary of one another.
9.     The Iran–Iraq War was in its early years and the _______ of Arab to Arab, amply proven in retrospect by the end of the conflict six years hence, was only a hypothesis, a naive one in many eyes.
10. On the other hand, Chinese political discourse is often characterized by a fierce nationalist ______ that is reinforced by the Communist Party’s determination to maintain authoritarian rule.
11. Traditionally public diplomacy was closely linked to conflicts and __________ between countries.

5 Say if the following statements are true according to the text.

1 Central normative themes running through all diplomatic practice are equality and coexistence.
2 Reciprocity was not a popular notion in times of Roman Empire.
3 In diplomacy family matters symbolize sovereignty.
4 Alliance and friendship were embodied in the concept of fraternity.
5 Diplomacy was based on  specific reciprocity.
6 Treatment of messengers was the instance of diffuse reciprocity.
7 Ancient diplomacy was about showing goodwill and generosity.
8 To enter into diplomatic relations in prehistoric epochs one was to claim relationship to a deity or a hero.
9 Diplomatic appeals to kinship existed for a short period of time.
10 Today metaphors of family and friendship are used in diplomacy on festive occasions.

Wednesday 11 June 2014

Toward historical sociology of diplomacy





As should be evident from the above discussion, diplomacy is an institution of international societies, not of individual states. In fact, an important point of departure is to abandon the state-centric perspective that has dominated the study of diplomacy. Instead it can be conceived that diplomacy is an institution structuring relations among polities. A polity can be understood as a political authority, which “has a distinct identity; a capacity to mobilize persons and their resources for political purposes, that is, for value satisfaction; and a degree of institutionalization and hierarchy (leaders and constituents).” Polities, as loci of political authority, are constantly evolving.
In other words, the link between state sovereignty and diplomacy that characterizes contemporary international relations is not inevitable but historically contingent. Following James Rosenau, it is suggested that “what makes actors effective in world politics derives not from the sovereignty they posses or the legal privileges thereby accorded them, but rather lies in relational phenomena, in the authority they can command and the compliance they can thereby elicit.” In a transhistorical perspective, diplomacy may involve all sorts of polities, be they territorial or not, sovereign or not.
This goes hand in hand with the top-down, rather than bottom-up perspective, according to which political space is global and its differentiation a system-driven process. Furthermore, this differentiation is not seen to result in the creation of two distinct political spaces, as in realism. Rather, “global politics has always been a seamless web.” The most important implication of a top-down perspective, for the purposes of the study, is that the international system can be analyzed as a social system and not only as an imaginary state of nature. In other words, the international system can be conceptualized as being constituted by something other than the consequences of interacting self-constituted actors. Indeed, the international system becomes analytically and ontologically prior to the individual units populating it.
In pursuing such a perspective, one can draw on the burgeoning literature on the historical sociology of international relations (IR). Much IR-related historical sociology is either neo-Weberian or neo-Marxist, and, with a few notable exceptions, is focused on the great material processes of war, industrialization and capitalism. More often than not, the explanandum has been the development of the modern state and the economic systems attached to it. This, however, leaves a significant dimension of the global political landscape unacknowledged and unexplained. The neglect of international institutions, in particular, detracts from the central project of neo-Weberian historical sociology – that of understanding the sovereign state as an historically situated and variable political formation. While there are several historical sociologies of international relations, differing not only in focus and interest, but also in terms of epistemological and ontological foundations, there are certain similarities that outweigh these differences. The study will draw on four such similarities.
First, historical sociologists focusing on international relations criticize mainstream IR for being ahistorical and seek to problematize the present. Second, historical sociologists study “the ways in which, in time, actions become institutions and institutions are in turn changed by action.” Third, historical sociology treats the “attainment of stability” as, at least, equally puzzling as the “occurrence of change.” Here the core similarities among the various historical sociologies of international relations stand out in sharp relief: “beneath the hubbub of the modernism/postmodernism dispute, a deeper contest is looming: one between the partisans of modal invariance and the partisans of the flux.” Indeed, the shift from a substantialist to a relational ontology dramatically changes research focus: “It becomes necessary to explain reproduction, constancy, and entityness, rather than development and change.”
Despite their differences, varying historical sociologies are joined in their partisanship of flux. Of course, this does not mean that change is not interesting or in need of study. Whereas historical sociologists often study change, they do not view change as anomalous or stability as natural; it is the specificity of change that needs to be understood or explained, not the abstract phenomenon of change.
Finally, historical sociologists ask questions about the differentiation of international political space. On what basis are polities differentiated and individuated? While different answers are suggested, neither the state nor territoriality is taken for granted. Furthermore, adherents of the English school point out that it is necessary not only to investigate the borders, or differentiation, of polities but also those of international societies. In other words, there are always at least two processes of bordering, or bounding, going on: that among units, and that between these units as a whole and an outside.
These four commonalities of the different historical sociologies of international relations, bridge or sidestep the meta-theoretical debate between reflective post-positivism and the rationalistic mainstream. They also provide methodological advice to the study: avoid ahistoricism, pay attention to processes of institutionalization, look for explanations of stability in natural processes of change, and ask questions about the differentiation and reproduction of international society. Not only do these imperatives provide a basis for theorizing diplomacy but demonstrate that diplomacy is a field of study that underscores these lessons and insights from historical sociology.

?After-reading activities

1 Comprehension questions
1 What is polity?
2 What kind of link if any exists between sovereignty and diplomacy?
3 What is the difference between top-down and bottom-up perspectives in analysis of political space?
4 What is the main focus of IR-related historical sociology?
5 What are the similarities between historical sociologies of international relations?
6 What are the differences between historical sociologies of international relations?
7 What is “attainment of stability” in historical sociology of IR?
8 What is the difference between substantialist and relational ontology?
9 What questions do historical sociologies of international relations attempt to answer? Do they provide similar answers?
10 What methodological advice do historical sociologies of international relations provide?

Work with the dictionary and consult the text to do tasks 2 and 3

2 Translate  words and word combinations  from English into  Ukrainian and use them in your own sentences
          Point of departure; state-centric; to conceive; polity; political authority; to mobilize; institutionalization; to evolve; contingent; to accord; to elicit; transhistorical perspective; top-down; bottom-up; prior to; explanandum; political landscape; epistemological; ahistorical; attainment; hubbub; postmodernism; entityness; partisanship; flux; to individuate; to take  for granted; to bound; commonality; to sidestep; to underscore

3 Translate from Ukrainian into English
Влада; привілеї, перевага; надавати; виконання; розмежування; становити; онтологічно; міжнародні відносини; індустріалізація; капіталізм; аспект, вимір; нехтування; стійкість, стабільність; розмежування; прихильник, послідовник

4 Complete the sentences with words or phrases from the list
dimensions; constitute; compliance; adherents; capitalism; neglect;  stability; unacknowledged; burgeoning; differentiation; populated; political authority; international relations

1.     Napoleon personally fought 60 battles. They were his canvas and palette, and until the very end he believed that battle was the only real ________.
2.     In other words, social influence uses tactics that appeal to our human nature to secure _______, obedience, helping, and behavior and attitude change.
3.     In the 1960s, Lorand Szalay studied free word associations, and found interesting differences among cultures regarding conceptual associations that were thought to ___________ meaning.
4.     As such, while it occupies the relatively sparsely __________ facilitative end of the spectrum it also joins many other organizations in producing messages originating from Britain which are intended to be consumed overseas.
5.     The slums ______ around Morocco’s larger cities teemed with young, underemployed first generation educated youth.
6.     Fulbright’s philosophical support for the human dimension in foreign affairs included a lament that such a dimension was a “low priority add-on to the serious content of our ______  ________.”
7.     On the positive theme of American ideology and the virtues of ____________, the USIA publicized U.S. economic and technical assistance programs, scientific and technological advances, and the virtues of free trade unions.
8.     In government decision-making, ethical considerations are tightly intertwined with political and managerial ones and all three ________ are essential to successful governance.
9.     Such debates are likely to continue so long as the underlying assumptions of communication remain unexposed and the legitimacy and strategic value of both views are __________________.
10. At the same time, Japan was required to ____________ its state-controlled cultural policies and abandon its self-image as a military-state by expressing a fresh vision for its own national identity.
11. In other words, China’s public diplomacy, created and managed by the government, informs and is informed by a specific political agenda and a determination to project an image of strength, affluence, and political responsibility that surmounts the popular impression of China as a state which routinely violates human rights and threatens global ___________.
12. An early definition of propaganda nevertheless points to a useful indirect ____________ between public diplomacy and propaganda, describing the latter as ‘a process that deliberately attempts through persuasion techniques to secure from the propagandee, before he can deliberate freely, the responses desired by the propagandist’.
13. But the attractiveness of this model is being challenged by another: the ‘Beijing Consensus’, which appears to be more relevant to their needs, ‘attracting ______________ at almost the same speed the US model is repelling them.


5 Say if the following statements are true according to the text.
1 Diplomacy is an institution of individual states.
2 Diplomacy structures relations among political parties.
3 Polities are constantly changing, they are not stable.
4 Diplomacy may involve both sovereign or not sovereign polities.
5 International system can be analyzed only as an imaginary state of nature.
6 International system ontologically precede the individual units populating it.
7 IR-related historical literature can be either neo-Weberian or neo-Marxist.
8 Mainstream IR is often seen as  ahistorical.
9 There is difference between  substantialist and relational ontology.
10 Adherents of the English school focus on borders and differentiation of international societies.

Monday 9 June 2014

Diplomatic norms and rules



Ultimately, diplomacy rests on a norm of coexistence, allowing polities “to live and let live.” In the words of Garrett Mattingly, “unless people realize that they have to live together, indefinitely, in spite of their differences, diplomats have no place to stand.” Acceptance of coexistence reflects the realization on the part of polities that they are mutually dependent to a significant degree. Interdependence may be, and is most often, asymmetrical. Yet coexistence implies, if not equality, at least equal rights to participate in international intercourse.
Whereas the specific rules of the institution of diplomacy have varied over time, reciprocity appears to be a core normative theme running through all diplomatic practice. Reciprocity implies that exchanges should be of roughly equivalent values. In other words, reciprocity is meant to produce “balanced” exchanges. Moreover, reciprocity entails contingency, insofar as actions are conditional on responses from others.
Reciprocal behavior returns good for good, ill for ill. The norm of reciprocity lends an amount of predictability to diplomatic relations. While not offering exact predictability, it makes it possible for polities to know the general range of possible outcomes of their exchanges. The distinction between specific and diffuse reciprocity is pertinent in this connection. Specific reciprocity refers to “situations in which specified partners exchange items of equivalent value in a strictly delimited sequence,” whereas in situations of diffuse reciprocity “the definition of equivalence is less precise … and the sequence of events is less narrowly bounded.” Diffuse reciprocity implies that the parties do not insist on immediate and exactly equivalent reciprocation of each and every concession, on an appropriate “quid” for every “quo.”
Buyers and sellers of houses or cars practice specific reciprocity; families or groups of close friends rely on diffuse reciprocity. Reciprocity in diplomatic relations falls in between, or oscillates between the two poles. The difference between the two types of reciprocity has to do with trust. Whereas the kind of trust that binds families together is most often lacking in the relations between polities, the institution of diplomacy lends a modicum of trust that distinguishes these relations from, say, those
between buyers and sellers.
In fact, if we posit contingency and equivalence as the two basic dimensions of social exchange characterizing reciprocity, we can identify mixed reciprocity patterns. A highly contingent action is a fairly immediate response to an action taken by another, whereas a less contingent action may take place after a longer period of time or even in advance of the other’s action. Equivalence refers to a comparison of the perceived values of goods given and received. Contingency and equivalence vary continuously, but if we – for analytical purposes – treat them dichotomously, we end up with four types of reciprocity.
The practice of expelling foreign diplomats for espionage may illustrate specific reciprocity. States today recognize that when they expel diplomats from a foreign country, that government is likely to respond in kind by immediately expelling an equivalent number of their own diplomats. The anticipation of specific reciprocity therefore often deters states from uncooperative behavior.
Compliance with the norms and rules guiding diplomatic exchange can be seen as an instance of diffuse reciprocity. Specific repayment is not expected from such behavior, and mutual benefits are assumed to even out over the long term. During the Concert of Europe era, for example, statesmen made more concessions to others than was specifically required. Similar patterns of diffuse reciprocity can be observed in the European Union of today.


Figure 1 Patterns of reciprocity




The mixed pattern of reciprocity in the lower-left cell of Figure 1 occurs when actors are concerned about short-term outcomes, but less concerned about the specific value of individual exchanges. Consider, for example, the exchanges between the United States and China prior to the mutual presidential visits in 1997 and 1998. President Clinton was pressured by Congress, which was seeking to impose sanctions against China because of its human-rights violations, to secure a significant human-rights concession from China as a prerequisite for the state visit. Just before Jiang Zemin’s arrival in the United States, a prominent Chinese political prisoner was released. While one political prisoner’s freedom could not be – and was not – considered “equal” in value to the political and economic benefits China was likely to reap from the summit, the US Administration was apparently sufficiently satisfied with this specific concession to welcome the Chinese President and negotiate a wide range of issues.
The upper-right cell signifies a different mixed pattern, where actors are concerned about the specific value of an individual exchange but focus on longer-term relations. An example may be John Foster Dulles’s refusal to shake hands with Zhou Enlai at the 1954 Geneva Conference, which was read by the Chinese as a signal of American rejection and contempt and harmed US–Chinese relations for years to come.
Among the procedural rules of diplomacy, immunity has assumed prominence throughout history. The inviolability of diplomatic agents is seen to be a prerequisite for the establishment of stable relations between polities. “Rooted in necessity, immunity was buttressed by religion, sanctioned by custom, and fortified by reciprocity.” The sanctity of diplomatic messengers in the ancient world implied inviolability and thus foreshadowed more recent notions of diplomatic immunity.
Traditional codes of hospitality may have contributed to the notion of according diplomatic envoys inviolability. “The ancient Greeks and Romans considered it impious to injure a guest, as did the Celts, the Gauls, and the Teutons.” The most perennial and robust foundation of diplomatic immunity seems to be functional necessity: the privileges and immunities that diplomatic envoys have enjoyed throughout the ages have simply been seen as necessary to enable diplomats to perform their functions.

?After-reading activities

1 Comprehension questions
1 What does coexistence mean?
2 What does the concept of reciprocity stand for?
3 What types of reciprocity can be singled out? Give examples of each type.
4 What type of reciprocity do diplomatic relations involve?
5 What are the basic dimensions of social exchanges? Give examples of each type.
6 What is specific reciprocity? What diplomatic actions can illustrate this concept?
7 What is diffuse reciprocity? What is the difference between diffuse and specific reciprocity?
8 Where do patterns of mixed reciprocity occur? Give examples.
9 What does diplomatic immunity mean?
10 What are the historical foundations for immunity?

Work with the dictionary and consult the text to do tasks 2 and 3

2 Translate  words and word combinations  from English into  Ukrainian and use them in your own sentences
         Coexistence; mutually; interdependence; intercourse; reciprocity; to imply; to entail; contingency; predictability; diffuse; quid; quo; to oscillate; modicum; pattern; dichotomously; espionage; anticipation; imprecise; short-term; wide range of issues; inviolability; to buttress; to foreshadow; notion; impious; perennial

3 Translate from Ukrainian into English

Рівність; випадковість, непередбачувана обставина; виганяти; шпигунство; що не співпрацює, неузгоджений у діях; взаємна вигода; довгостроковий; "європейський концерт" (перша стійка міжнародна система сформована на Віденському конгресі 1815 р.); поступка; наслідок; передумова; вітати, гостинно приймати; вести переговори; дипломатичний представник; схалювати; гостинність; уповноважений

4 Complete the sentences with words or phrases from the list
Inviolability; norm; reciprocity; Concert of Europe; equivalence; welcome; negotiated; contingent; interdependence; espionage

1.     The postwar era, however, has seen the principle of rotation become the _______.
2.     The government preaches the virtues of __________, cooperation and human values.
3.     Third, certain principles which have been employed to justify diplomatic privilege, namely the sovereignty of the sending state and __________, have not been used to justify international privileges.

4.     Thus the development of European diplomacy can be located in terms not so much of a theory of modernization through government development as of the __________ nature of a states system that was distinctive, rather than modern.
5.     This diplomacy of assertion reflected the extent to which the Security Council represented a very public breach with any principle of _________ between sovereign bodies.
6.     __________, much of which involved postal interception and deciphering, was  significant, not least for spying on foreign diplomats.
7.     The peaceful (to Western publics) management of the expansion of rival empires was an important instance of a more general process by which the _______   ___ ______ adapted to a range of challenges and changes.
8.     On the other hand, they cannot ________ their publics sharing their own convictions about the notional quality of international politics because, in the end, they think that international order depends upon such notions being accepted.
9.     There are no big secrets to be revealed, only small uncertainties to be __________ on a case-by-case basis.
10. The first stage, beginning in 1804, witnessed the extension of the status of neutrality and the protection of __________ to various riparian commissions and of "diplomatic privileges" to some international commissions.

5 Say if the following statements are true according to the text.
1 Coexistence is impossible without equality.
2 Reciprocity means exchange of equivalent values.
3 Reciprocity makes diplomatic relations more predictable.
4 Specific reciprocity implies that the parties do not insist on immediate and exactly equivalent reciprocation of each and every concession.
5 Equivalence means comparison of the values of goods given and received.
6 Expelling diplomats is the case of diffused reciprocity.
7 In European Union examples of diffuse reciprocity can be found.
8 The sanctity of diplomatic messengers in the ancient world was not connected with diplomatic immunity.
9 The ancient Greeks and Romans considered it impolite to injure a guest.
10 Diplomatic immunity is rooted in functional necessity.

  Write an essay on norms and rules in Ukrainian diplomacy. Illustrate the key notions discussed in the text with the examples involving Ukrainian diplomats and officials.